Rsop not showing preferences in bankruptcy

rsop not showing preferences in bankruptcy

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Of course, the other consultants were all ears and wanted to hear everything that Drew had to say. He would eventually enter into a contract with the consultants to get their unbiased, external point of view as to what the bigger problems really were at Peppercorn. The consultants would use various data collection methods involving the management, workers, and the customers to get a clearer picture as to what the actual problems were and why the students working at Peppercorn were unhappy and why recruitment for additional student help was unsuccessful.

Students are required to submit the completed group peer assessment form along with the written report see page 5. Where students fail to submit their peer evaluation sheet and the minutes of the You have a 3. You and your best friend have planned on going to Virginia since you were kids; his father attended and has told you many stories of his escapades while there.

One problem, your best bud only has a 2. Legacy admission practices have long been a topic of controversy. Many claim they are unethical and violate anti-discrimination laws while others claim they are a financial necessity and help boost school loyalty. The article reminds us that this country was founded on the idea that you can achieve your goals by working hard, and being honestly Home Page Computers and Technology.

Free Essay. New York: Cambridge University Press. Weinberg and A. Schnaiberg Brown and Co. Gonzalez, G. Corporate Power and the Environment. New York: Rowman and Bello, Walden Hirst, P. Thompson Globalization in Question. Oxford: Polity. Brecher, J, T. Costello, and B. Boston: South End Press. United States. Berkeley: University of California Press. Brulle, R. Agency, Democracy, and Nature: The U.

Environmental Movement Kahler, M. Bryant, B. Mohai Sikkink Activists Beyond Borders. Ithaca: Cornell University for Discourse. Boulder: Westview Press. Kim, J. Millen, A. Irwin and J. Gershman eds. Inequality and the Health of the Poor. Burmeister, L. Jao, and K.

Sakamoto When Corporations Rule the World. Sociological Association, Anaheim, CA. Lukes, S. Power: A Radical Perspective. London: Macmillan. Cohen, R. Kennedy Global Sociology. Hungry for Trade. York University Press. McMichael, P. Rai eds. Global Social Movements. Goetz, J. Scholte, and M. Williams Contesting Global Press. London: Cambridge University Press. Gould Pellow, D.

Podobnik, B. Ritzer, G. The McDonaldization of Society. Schnaiberg, A. Gould NJ: Blackburn Press. Scott, A. Ideology and the New Social Movements. London: Routledge. Scott, B. Retreived January—February. Smith, J. Starr, A. Naming the Enemy. Szasz, A. Tilly, C. From Mobilization to Revolution. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

The Contentious French. Walton, J. Seddon Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers. Williams, M. Stevis and A. When the target is a global system, to whom do activists direct their anger and their claims? While the most visible sites of anti-globalization protest have been the summits of the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, these events are only the tip of the iceberg.

These protests targeted a wide range of institutions which included banks, stock exchanges, local and national governments, McDonalds restaurants, and Nike stores in their opposition to neoliberalism. One must examine the targets of protest in context. In Western Europe, at the beginning of the 19th Century, political practices were transformed with the rise of the nation state. At that time, those wishing to agitate collectively became less likely to engage in direct action against local authorities and more likely to use a modular and less.

Lesley J. The majority target Europe, corporations. Increasingly, focus on this less contentious side of global level politics, the lobbying, confer- the timing of protest came to be tied more closely to the rhythms of parliamen- ences and networking that take place in the transnational political arena Smith tary discussion and governmental action Tilly Since that time, despite ; Tarrow However, many suggest that with increasingly tional institutions?

Such central to extending the neoliberal model. Until September ers of protest activities. Global days of action are a growing form of transnational contention. Tarrow But after the attacks on the World Trade Center, many activists, particularly in and others have argued that transnational contention that is truly contentious is the US, rushed to distance themselves from anything associated with political rare.

On February 15, March 15, and March 22, , global days of action were called and many others. Sites viewed during August While most of these pages are in against the war. The largest globally coordinated protests to date, over cities took English, others are in German, Spanish, Italian, French, Dutch, Norwegian, Portuguese part. Tarrow In order to understand targets of protest I place the data on collective actors, meaningful practices and targets into context. Successful nents in surprising ways.

This paper focuses on the targets of protest events events will encourage conformity of targets and tactics in subsequent actions. Studies of political networks media. The dates are selected to correspond with summits of transnational insti- suggest that the practices of social movements shift when the patterns of relation- tutions such as the IMF and World Bank, the Group of 8 or the World Trade ships in which they are engaged are altered Gould ; Mische ; Steinberg Organization.

The level of communication and coordination between these In , the Socialist International protection, self-determination and other issues began to see their interests as declared May 1st a day of workers demonstrations and in similarly estab- shared, and link their struggles together.

The next year, more than one million women and men organizational form in transnational contention Tarrow Through these attended rallies in Austria, Denmark, Germany and Switzerland. While not all movements have embraced the tactic with the same degree This process has been described as scale shift—a change in the number and of enthusiasm, the coordinated anti-war protests indicate that this is a tactic level of coordinated contentious actions leading to broader contention and worth observing.

Many organize marches and rallies against the institutions and their policies in town squares and city streets, carry- ing signs and making speeches. Some, however, may also choose more accessible targets in order to express their outrage.

This receptivity depends nents target neoliberal institutions. As a result, social movement networks neoliberalism. These days of action why many protests in France and Germany, linked by the ATTAC network, tend were called by various activist networks to coincide with the meeting of trans- to follow a particular routine, marching along a route of sites of public invest- national trade bodies.

Often, one dem- Europe Africa onstration will involve multiple targets. The of protest events, taken from the Internet. This approach improves upon stan- most popular local target is the multinational corporation, with national govern- dard strategies of using news media as a source. As past studies would predict, the gesting more general dynamics of scale shift and its interaction with social move- media accounts tended to over-represent violent and large events.

Organizational meetings or There is no consensus amongst activists about whether the WTO and orga- nizations like it should be reformed or abolished Smith The reform vs.

Evidence suggests that some of the Canadian events were primarily educational, Unions aim to ensure labor rights are included in the debates. They were excluded network demands the abolition of debt for the poorest nations.

While many would be tempted to categorize these demonstrations as with the PGA network, or its sub-networks like Reclaim the Streets were more solely expressive and counter-cultural, their alliances with unions, human rights likely to select a local target. Indeed, of the demonstrations made claims against a concrete target other than the transnational institutions explicitly under protest.

The were corporations, banks and stock exchanges and national governments. Jubilee emerged from religious communities in , and gathered 24 million signatures in more than 60 countries. Its main goal was the cancellation of debts Multinational Corporations of the poorest countries by the year Since that time it has expanded its foci and The most popular local targets of days of action against neoliberalism were works more generally against neoliberalism, organizing human chains around summit the branches and headquarters of multinational corporations.

They were picketed, disrupted and destroyed during primarily in Europe , includes 80, members. The network works in alliance with the course of protest. In Canada, the US, Europe, Australia and New Zealand, the labor movement and uses marches and creative non-violent protest to work towards activists are more likely to target a corporation than any other local target. The events organized Interestingly, these are the countries most central to the neoliberal institutions. After the protests of Seattle, this target- formal membership, linking existing organizations that have endorsed the hallmarks.

The network is active in approximately 40 countries, particularly in Latin America, Asia and Europe. Delegates were refused visas and permission to travel. Sites viewed during summer Historically, demonstra- tions against businesses by consumers have most often been concerned with Nineteen percent of protest events in the sample targeted national govern- prices.

Although stores were targeted in the US during the civil rights move- ments. Interestingly, none of the countries that had high environmental issues with consumerism, appear to have emerged from the recent levels of targeting national governments were in the g8 or the WTO Quad.

But what is the logic behind targeting a corporation that is likely to be targeted by their populations than nations with small markets and not accountable in any directly democratic manner to the public? Writer Naomi less economic power.

But these symbols were of protest through time in this albeit limited dataset. When we use regression never the real targets; they were the levers, the handles. Tarrow Massive riots in attackers of the similarly ambiguous target of the World Trade Center. On 9 reform. In principle, WTO rules are established by consensus of all members, but in practice the so-called Quad countries U. McDonalds was a target at 25 protests in our dataset.

The locations were as and policy. As a Mirroring the relationship between national governments and global insti- result, corporations became an increasingly popular target in Europe, Australia tutions, none of the regions that target banks and stock exchanges are in the g8 and New Zealand, but especially in the US and Canada.

It target the historically resonant and accessible symbols of transnational power. As away from corporations and towards the transnational institutions themselves. As fusion of an item. Countries that were outside of the powerful a result, the frequency that stock exchanges and banks were targeted showed no center of these institutions and had a pre-existing repertoire of protest against change.

The changed political climate prompted many US activists to attempt to activity of political organizations, their issues, campaigns and of course their distance themselves from those who would attack corporate targets, and thus choices of tactic and target Appendix B. With the increasing visibility of trans- contributed to an increasing polarization of the movement.

This shift is a contingent process that depends in part on rela- retreat from this innovation. It was possibly the largest globally coordinated protest ever address the mounting problem of international debt Walton and Seddon At those demonstrations, crowds chanted against the WTO, Many of the countries most active in the movements in the s and s, and railed against their own governments, while others occupied the headquar- particularly in Africa, did not participate in the global days of action.

However ters of banks and corporations and disrupted commercial outlets. Protesters from Brazil to Boston con- bying and peaceful protest. However, in the locally new targets. Ithaca, N. Power in Movement, 2nd ed. Chabot, Sean and Jan Willem Duyvendak. Lanham, Md. Tilly, Charles. Insurgent Identities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Popular Contention in Great Britain. Lichbach, Marc. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press. Free Markets and Food Riots.

Oxford: Blackwell. Dynamics of Contention. McCarthy, John D. Syracuse, N. Mische, Ann. Social Movements and Networks. Olson, Mancur. The Logic of Collective Action. Cambridge, MA. New York: Vintage Books. Rucht, Dieter. Globalization : a critical introduction.

New York : St. Gould Tammy L. Lewis J. Timmons Roberts 1. There was a key moment which was recounted in The Nation during the Seattle protest when police repression was especially intense. These two groups make up two of the largest contingencies of the emer- ging movement against corporate-led globalization, if not its most radical ones.

They represent a major potential expansion of that movement, posing a potential threat to the free trade Neo-Liberal project of global marketing, led by the international capitalist class of the IMF, World Bank, Wall Street, and the U. The objectives of globalization in the short term were the global marketing of free trade, fast track negotiation of trade treaties, and the expansion of WTO powers.

Both labor and environmentalists viewed these issues as extremely dan-. Lawrence University Anthropology P. Box on opposite sides of critical issues. Yet at the expectations of reciprocation, local vs. Williamsburg, Virginia they came together in a historic protest many class cultures and interests. It then examines a series of tat-oriented green groups.

Gould, Tammy L. Timmons Roberts, Blue-Green Coalitions 93 gerous. While many of those participants would have called Eighteen months later the picture had dramatically shifted, as the coalition faced themselves environmentalists, and some of them were union members, they did deep divisions over energy policy changes proposed by Vice-President Dick not act directly in the name of those larger organizations Danaher and Burbach Cheney.

Cheney brought union leaders to the White House to gain their sup- Labor provided the bulk of the funding for the Seattle protests, but primarily Finally, the Bush administration wanted support from labor on their position on participated in labor rallies and labor marches, which were joined by some non- the Kyoto Treaty on global warming, arguing that the mandatory reductions in union protestors.

The union rally. The labor of reaching out to labor. They appear to be returning to isolationist lobbying rhetoric in Seattle was almost exclusively focused on wages, job loss, import techniques. Although the ANWR has been temporarily spared, the coalition has surges, product dumping, child labor and sweatshops, with the overriding theme been badly damaged by the split over this sacred cow of preservationists.

The protest actions selves turning to each other for defensive support. The real meeting of organized that received the most media attention were those organized through the Direct labor and other protesters only occurred when the labor and DAN marches Action Network DAN. DAN orchestrated the non-violent direct actions converged and were both violently attacked by the police.

Protesters send delegates to the meetings to represent the consensus reached ence blockades of intersections and entrances. The Sierra Club and other mainstream environmental latecomers to the and reformist groups on the one hand to radical anti-development groups on the anti-corporate globalization side were present in Seattle, and did participate in other.

The same can be said about labor, of course, with some groups accepting the non-direct action marches and rallies. However, lism in the United States. In both cases, the more moderate groups make up the the direct contact between these environmentalists and organized labor prior to majority of members in the USA. The rhetoric of the environmental Contributing to the divide between greens and blues is the impact of the groups in Seattle was nearly exclusively focused on issues of logging, endangered September 11, terrorist attacks.

While Trade Watch and Global Exchange. What is clear from a review of the protests such speculation was quickly put to rest, the emerging hostile political context in Seattle is that organized labor and mainstream environmental organizations for domestic dissent was made quite clear.

Organizations such as Mobilization essentially protested the same institution and the same meetings for largely dif- for Global Justice, which had served as organizing vehicles for the mass protests ferent reasons. Both camps participated to greater and lesser extents in a much associated with the movement, moved quickly to curtail active opposition to neo- broader coalition organized by DAN, and the bulk of the direct action protesters liberalism.

When active protest reemer- organizations. A complete lack that other organizations were able to articulate some unfying critique of neo- of media coverage was one outcome of the post approach. Later protests at liberalism which included a focus on both labor and environmental concerns.

However, Seattle ginalized precisely the wing of the movement whose structural analysis led them was not a reliable indicator that a blue-green coalition existed, nor that such a to most value and pursue a blue-green alliance.

The Seattle protests against the WTO simply from the world-system perspective in this regard. Union been pitted against each other by corporations and the state for three decades leadership is shifting in the United States.

At best, it was a marriage of convenience that could the group is attempting to become a social movement again, recruiting new mem- be developed into a lasting, mutually supportive relationship. At worst, it was a bers, undertaking strategic campaigns, and forging alliances with other groups.

It is one-night stand unlikely to be repeated until blues and greens met again on the also reaching out internationally, such as in Brazil with new connections between streets of Cancun, Mexico and Miami, Florida. Jackie Smith reports that cerns, and many others. In terms of the real and potential labor-environmentalist organizations that ally along North-South lines are the global organizations coalition, these separate histories have produced both obstacles to, and oppor- that are most likely to survive and achieve legitimacy Smith But there tunities for various types of blue-green coalitions.

At the heart of the obstacles is little evidence of labor-environmental linkages internationally. A brief examination of these and labor sides. Up until the mids, the environment did not exist as an issue function globally, but this depends, we will argue, on the quality of relations that on the American political agenda. The industrial leaders who did They are 1 the problem of reciprocation and unbalanced expectations by envi- begin to promote mildly conservationist thought did not do so in response to ronmentalists for unionists; 2 the problem of extending short-term marriages the public health threats stemming from air and water pollution.

Instead, they of convenience into longer-term coalitions; 3 the debate over whether local or were concerned about access to key economic resources that were growing scarce, national levels are better places to make these coalitions; and 4 the class issue. Based on these challenges, Schnaiberg and Gould At the same There is a long history of environmental political mobilization in the U.

While labor has a history of environmental con- lution, they also sought to exclude poor and non-white citizens Dowie There are many streams of environmentalism in Urban and Labor Environmentalism the U. The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Andrew D. Van Alstyne in primarily by women such as Jane Adams and Florence Kelley, sought to remedi- helping to frame the historical context of the movements.

These public health related environmental concerns were launching a lobbying-legislative assault on organized labor, corporations chose to well integrated with a larger political agenda aimed at improving the living condi- employ the tactic of projected job losses in their propaganda campaigns against tions of industrial workers and the unemployed. The demands of these activists new environmental regulation.

These tually expanded to address industrial emissions outside the workplace where the job blackmail studies were quickly picked up by the news media and echoed by health of workers and their families were disproportionately placed at risk. However, pursuing anti-smoke and clean water ordinances, drawing the connections siding with corporate elites in the post-oil crises economy did not buy unions between worker exploitation and ecological degradation.

Both issues required a much good will among corporate decision-makers. By the anti-environmen- critical analysis of corporate power and the activation of democratic processes to tal union-busting regime of Ronald Reagan was launching a full-scale assault on curtail industrial abuses.

Both worker rights and ecological responsibility were U. When critical analysis of trade liberalization regimes revealed Nevertheless, steelworkers demanded investigation of deadly air inversions in the dual threat of massive job loss and greatly accelerated environmental destruc- The United Auto Workers prioritized worker safety and health issues tion, the stage was set for a convergence of green and blue interests in Seattle prior to World War II, and opposed breeder reactor construction in the post- Kazis and Grossman World War II period.

In the United Auto Workers created a Conservation and Resource servationism and preservationism rooted in economic and leisure concerns. This Development Department. Whereas the wealthy were issues. Finding a earlier conservation and preservation groups as well as spawning new movement common enemy may be the key to successful coalition formation, thus it became organizations.

The mainstream U. Timmons Roberts, Blue-Green Coalitions with a moral obligation of ecological stewardship. This movement placed broad environmental issues such as municipal waste, population, pollution, and extinction on the U. At the 3. Working class environmentalism stemmed from other issues and addressed Social movement scholars analyze coalition building and coalition success.

Laborers did not articulate their displeasure in Under what conditions do social movement organizations form coalitions? However, forming a coali- the direct release of poisons. Additionally, workers whose outdoor recreational tion is no easy task. Whether or not coalitions form depends largely on the external political environment.

In many emerged. Estabrook to be framed as civil rights issues. If an organi- The environmental justice movement emerged simultaneously, and in dia- zation is losing members, it must focus on its own survival.

While the justice movements, the anti-toxics movement is rooted in public health concerns s characterized a serious threat, an ideal political condition for coalitions to Brown and Mikkelson Here the focus is on disproportionate exposure to form, the organizational needs of unions during that time made coalition build- environmental hazards as a result of socioeconomic class. For example, peace movement organiza- the environmentalist agenda, thus challenging mainstream environmental move- tions that might consider working together draw members from the same sources ment organizations Szasz These locally organized environmental groups and must essentially compete with each other.

Timmons Roberts, Blue-Green Coalitions ent membership bases. For some organizations, the political timing, organizational resources, over- For example, Friends of the Earth has an on-line guide for organizing complete lapping ideologies and successful communication come together to form coali- with a section on building coalitions.

There are also disadvantages… and internal factors. Speaking of the pro-life movement, Suzanne Staggenborg Being a member of a coalition can divert time and resources from your other argues, work. However, such tensions can be alleviated…First, if coalitions can be maintained without forming a formal coalition organization…resource where members work toward common goals and sometimes rally behind a spe- strains…can be minimized.

Some, like Friends of the Earth, suggest forming temporary alliances or groups. The Just Transition actions of coalition partners. Nation importance of pre-existing networks for the mobilization of social movements.

These individuals understand the positions of both groups. Labor organizations oper- with Northern movement organizations, the Brazilian government responded. While much of the analysis of coalitions take a rational approach to political inter- feminist, and ecology movements are beyond class and that people relate to and ests following resource mobilization theory i. Timmons Roberts, Blue-Green Coalitions on international actors, such as the United States Appropriation Committee, the while actively supporting striking sanitation workers, fusing civil rights, labor Inter American Development Bank, and the World Bank, who then played a role and environmental concerns in a people centered struggle.

Similar cases have been made in The hallmark event of the contemporary Green-Blue coalition was the pro- regard to the international human rights movement Brysk , Sikkink First, we need to remain aware of the wide range of reformist sustained resistance to corporate power. Greens were far more split targets the reform or abolition of global institutions and corporations or simply over support for NAFTA than was organized labor Hogenboom ; Roberts the push for more governmental protections against the negative impacts of glo- and Thanos Second, while blues and greens protested together, it is not balization.

Having a common enemy in is to commit a potentially monumental error, which may lead to our misjudg- corporate devised trade liberalization initiatives is a positive step toward coali- ing their durability, intent, and likely direction. Similarly, the mistake by some tion. World-System research therefore protested union busting and job loss.

Leslie Sklair forcefully argues for this to reciprocal mobilization in support of the key issues of coalition partners. Sklair goes on to argue that any struggle backs, and wage stagnation, one can hardly expect blue support for alternative against globalizing capitalism must therefore focus on subverting consumption energy initiatives, wilderness preservation and endangered species protection, rather than production.

And he says, more people are likely to join that struggle especially when those issues may threaten the economic livelihoods of workers. Certainly energy issues are a tough litmus test for truckers. But where is the litmus test for greens? In short, streams of U. At least historically, these groups share similar structural and sustainable economies with deeds that produce real employment options, positions in the political economy, similar analyses of power and the responsive- and only when sustainable working landscapes replace wilderness preservation ness of elite dominated quasi-democratic governance structures, leading them to as ecological priorities will greens be actively pursuing and supporting a genuine similar tactical choices, especially at the local level Pellow and Park It is alliance with organized labor in opposition to corporate power.

Martin Luther King Jr. There are a series of examples the wrong political view point reasons. A pure environmental approach on of environmentalists reaching out to their local neighbors in striking factories or local or state issues will work best. Even the most narrow minded folks will other sectors to acheive important local goals. The tions presents major obstacles to the emergence of a successful blue-green coali- OCAW set up the Labor Neighbor project to work with local environmental jus- tion.

They may also share similar class two distinct forms of environmentalism; an anthropocentric environmentalism status. Greens therefore may not need to infuse labor with environ- cases.

Local environmentalists may have a certain squeamishness when it comes mental consciousness as much as they need to recognize an environmentalism to such alliances.

Similarly, blues will need to recognize the neces- nothing but radical extremist positions. Timmons Roberts, Blue-Green Coalitions emphasizing environmental justice and public health concerns over the preserva- viewed as unpatriotic.

All dissent runs the risk of being cast as treason in times of tion of favored species and vistas see Brulle In this instance, greens and political crisis. However, the combination of state repression and movement self- blues are not competing over limited resources, as is the problem in other social policing may have severe long-term consequences for the fate of the movement movement coalitions.

Instead, aligning with each other threatens their existing and its blue-green coalition. Many of the members of ted the clearest structural critique of neo-liberalism.

And it has been these more the boards of directors of mainstream green organizations are in fact corporate radical anti-captialist elements within the movement which have championed executives Dowie Corporate downsizing, the structural analysis. Supporting labor cals. The post conser- opposing their own economic interests, at least as commonly conceived in the vatization of U.

For labor this means they are asked to forge political alliances with within their respective movements, and within the anti-corporate globalization their traditional political adversaries. The dual threat of Bush-Cheney tinued alienation from organized labor. Only if mainstream green organizations divide and conquer strategies and post movement self-policing has made can be convinced that they cannot win the important environmental political the climate for a sustained blue-green coalition far more problematic than it had battles of the 21st century without the support of labor and the working class been at the WTO protests in November of Alternatively and more likely, a blue-green alliance with the environmental justice and anti-toxics movements present fewer 4.

In many ways the tensions term coalitions that force them to pay real attention to the needs of workers? It between labor and mainstream greens echo the tensions between the environ- would be too easy to summarily dismiss this group, but it is in fact deeply split mental justice movement and mainstream greens.

That the environmental justice in this regard. More conservative groups like the National Wildlife Federation, movement has had only limited success in forging a lasting alliance with many the World Wildlife Fund, and the Nature Conservancy appear to have all been mainstream green organizations does not bode well for the potential that those uninterested in such coalitions. On the other end of this spectrum, some have organizations will shift foci to accommodate an alliance with labor. The proof, of course, will be in their long-term commitment to them, especially if they start and Anti-Globalization Lite losing members for the reasons mentioned in the Sierra emails quoted above.

All forms of domestic ists and encourage them to consider and develop these coalitions. Timmons Roberts, Blue-Green Coalitions ters. It concludes with the together to develop policies and relationships to avert clashes. The second important the Sierra Club there are already many factions, including those who work on point is the emphasis on an equitable transition for workers. The just transition to fundraising on the issue at its annual meeting of the Board of Directors.

The green faction would prob- for workers Moberg 4. This fund would be generated through taxes on ably be much larger. We are arguing that the Leaders in the just transition movement have come mostly from labor. J p "Violet.

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Fisher company, nervousness year after year;,' bn dry ,'-',,? And while -. Firm to, - Andrew; her heart'would leap when she suddenly : ,:Tf. Here las fine apple. Kacambla- j. But she caught sight of him. Work at Sanford has. Tbe' contract, wae'!. Keeley and "The modern fast-moving motor : and'broaght'boom. The 'awar4lng-otth. The new chautauo. Indications ; on a'mopt', the R dd.. And nkr wo. Poatum ' Adapted te Cultcation - of of xtbe''real "estate' the good many years will.

Land l. Especially some. Thejr are ot. With more than , Ud"O. Our thinkers tenderly'protect plants and fruit' trees and In a few. JI ",.. Y1' l'. J' 'J :;. In;This Ao.

A bad le"Clf JaG pie thing the. P'y keep It. Mequll 'She e. Air soi. Ot I of lch tn9blel oa. It agile or back you 1'0 thO Without ,them the very fabric our ,,. Pri achlatat; n. I"el"mutioD 1. No 'lIIor. Lm' Hdd, aftlleLest. Dnerl le. Sour tuaarht. It Ii. It 5 Liquid. Vegetably compound -, anent, testimony. Dj ought you would rather do It you really.

IfhpWa re b. But God Hlmselt'eaaeot. Ibe money from 10U. ONtY done for 1 h. Amerlcal deep and broad and host that II afraid of a long fight : ourea sore eyes or granulated ,Id.. Compound from feminine m. J- 4 box. Led IDODtb. PlDkharn' lately lI. Jove the flutter' : ISf the na'tlon'a to. An Arotla'Circle D otor.. If you puffer with eoroa-bllDioDi. I-am DO. For the flag. DeW woman Men do not'care about the iOfll. Lost who living and de. Many men who learn rusr..

It cures' quIckly and permanently. Arctic Cir notbl"g else. Plt kham's - For yea. Savannah Qa. Vegetable ColPpound; they stay at home with an easy 'A f-tw' days ago 1 r. Nq true p. Fort Good Hope. Such within the Arctic Clrde. ID of to the republic. UoD, for. You know what you almost. The fortpula Ie pl. The ,glory of our and Eaqulma. Why don't you try lt? Yee grown people When I. I'inkhamInvites, all'slclc run though ofteD-bldden. I life. Blueu I stock low it be to write her for ",Iqe.

Uon' the time or the trouble to think fM1It of the may women Teas Ne 4t. Doan' Trouble a -pird'e 'Nest C. Bathed In a uUon'l. In : klda. Iarm system of. Let Mra. Ballard out'of business SMuNl. The Coustipalfoo, Biliousness ,and future strength because it w. Au- N.. IA" honest and Jay intellectual Long. Jesus said gutta'St.. On headquarters a4 city 1 I Ever remembering the truth shall It was 'discovered the'dimcnlty TRY.

I the hope eteJn. Jesus wads clear thinker D- have cured m. He war. Dot In:; urinary. I' impurityor of national dl. June 30th Ma siestur. But today ]ow oth r! Sold by an d. Ullburn Co.. I lowers of the Christ who war the em. M' good a Erecter a' word auspicious. Atlanta, The descants with scant wI. Nawralpl rN nro pulpit ma 'rledsirdifferent The 1"Klnbardly dom too often upon the errors aDd numbered when neighbor told..

Wllal' Products'Peerless. The yet unu. ALLaN P. The lit pralot. What the limits of the fu. Soap Uo. Savannah 0. The perversions business of man tb.. Of our. And ao fr':"PuLe.. A'o ,It SO.. Close thinking I. U" applied. TMr Uo, : no prophecy can I. If weusrd fore, let u.. Ia tblnk'b. They are not lie much , "" No of tbeory eeonomle. DO ell. Jf'AJaaka, Uke.. Non of d each natural: ''I I as intellectual and spiritual line of phtlo. Gum trees I crow very alone In his:cabin'at2 Ketcblkan and ' '.

OaTor or goodneai escapee ] : t. His eb. If 'lll. L'one foot" a month. My number of high. Eo- Southern idea I, to roast the coffee to body but the. II Ithas4aforetlme done. We'ean standards 'rhllethe usualqdnlly'made years std. Haar it I bs. CL'vea' tc. In the usual way : ' lIoa'. Jogalte"tnd'everiultng fies'the ''Sodtb. Vre"I of hta.

At, rs" O'rleana and. It'"' a; piylu ''UibMcNcllll 50 ants;Or. U :-ae. Irift' We'knpw ofno! Otis stern fight from? SaMJ II''tJalnkllle' ;f. D4 ;beediew'of: tbs ,abaiJ: the"ckbhck"; ; w. ID the' day thatApterlcs forg.. Ie up-Iatbe; hertag'kt"haft'tnaet. I geiLis let"Aw. Jcnew any toeompl. Ye ibould month.. Thompsos'ot Clarkivill. Jt Thousands eared of m. Butthe more than a'mere COD1peUtlcm Address E:. Poitt Hallci';: Parker,!

Ton here' --J. Winona Minn. Igns ,I.. TeU"the ail. Sborthand Half Rite I' 1: bp gL b. ParkCfi La Nwlar. Ir: foist. I", tiC. Instances more, 'as aft other l : OO OO ;. Kissiffi ee Valky "Gazette t forces combined to b l1d-'Up. BuildT would' subscribe-toV "'n home paper , d "'I. JI' capable uf. We want..

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