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Chronik panzerbataillon 363 bankruptcy

chronik panzerbataillon 363 bankruptcy

5The Bankruptcy Code, by virtue of §(b)(2) and (d), renders domestic insurance companies ineligible for title 11 debtor relief. 2 owns all the stock of Reliance Financial Services Corporation (“Reliance Financial”), which, in turn, owns all the stock of Reliance Insurance Company (“RIC”). die geschichte der 3. panzergrenadierbrigade – „Nutzen wir unsere Fähigkeiten und Kapazitäten dazu, um Möglichkeiten, Mittel und Wege zu finden, um das Schwierige trotz aller Probleme MACHBAR ZU MACHEN und nicht dazu, um Gründe zu finden und zu erfinden, warum etwas NICHT MACHBAR IST!“ karacto.xyz DIE GESCHICHTE DER 3. Chronik Panzerbataillon von den Chronikbeauftragten Major der Reserve Oliver Richter Oberleutnant Sascha Piehl Leutnant Oliver Weiß gewidmet . chronik panzerbataillon 363 bankruptcy

This planting of vine supports was done with saplings of elm, poplar and some other species; by pollarding and by a well devised system of pruning, these were gradually prepared and maintained in proper form for their purpose.

The coppice seems to have been systematically managed in Attica as well as in Italy in regular fellings; the mild climate producing sprouts and root suckers [18] readily without requiring much care, even conifers cypress and fir reproducing in this manner.

The oak coppice was managed in 7 year rotation, the chestnut in 5 year, and the willow in 3 year rotation. Yield and profitableness are discussed, and the practice of thinnings is known, but only for the purpose of removing and using the dead material. Forest protection was poorly developed: of insects little, of fungi no knowledge existed.

Hand-picking was applied against caterpillars, also ditches into which the beetles were driven and then covered; the use of hogs in fighting insects was also known. That goats were undesirable in the woods had been observed. Some remarkable precocious physiological knowledge or rather philosophy existed: it was recognized that frost produces drought and that a remedy is to loosen the soil, aerating the roots, to drain or water as the case might require, and to prune; but also sap letting was prescribed.

Curiosities in wood technology were rife and many contradictions among the wood sharps existed, as in our times. Only four elements, earth, water, fire, air, composed all bodies; the more fire in the composition of a wood, the more readily would it decay.

Spruce, being composed of less earth and water but more fire and air, is therefore lighter than oak which, mostly composed of earth, is therefore so durable; but the latter warps and develops season splits because on account of its density it cannot take up readily and resists the penetration of moisture.

Wood impregnation, supposed to be a modern invention, was already practiced; cedrium cedar oil being used as well as a tar coating or immersion in seawater for one year, to secure greater durability. As regards literature, we find in Greece, besides what can be learned incidentally from the historians Herodotus and Xenophon and from the natural history of Aristotle, the first work on plant history and wood technology, if not forestry, in 18 volumes by Theophrastus B. Among the Romans, besides a number of historians, at least three writers before Christ discussed in detail agriculture and, in connection with it, tree culture; namely, Cato B.

Of the many writers on these subjects who came in the Christian era there are also three to be mentioned, namely, Cajus Plinius Major A. Only a few references which exhibit the state of knowledge on arboricultural subjects among the Romans as shown in this literature may be cited, some of which knowledge was also developed in Greece and found application, more or less, throughout the Roman empire from India to Spain. Nursery practice was already well known to Cato, while Varro knew, besides sowing and planting, the art of grafting and layering, and Columella discusses in addition pruning and pollarding which latter was practiced for securing fuelwood , and the propriety of leaving the pruned trees two years to recuperate before applying the knife again.

The method of wintering acorns and chestnuts in sand, working them over every 30 days and separating the poor seed by floating in water, was known to Columella and, indeed, he discusses nursery management with minute detail, even the advantages of transplants and of doubly transplanted material.

The question whether to plant or to sow, the preference of fall or spring planting with distinction for different species and localities are matters under his consideration; and preference of sowing oak and chestnut instead of transplanting is pointed out and supported by good reasons. Pliny, the Humboldt of the ancients, recognizes tolerance of different species, the need of different treatment for different species, the desirability of transplanting to soil and climatic conditions similar to those to which the tree was accustomed, and of placing the trees as they stood with reference to the sun.

But, to be sure, he also has many curious [21] notions, as for instance his counsel to set shallow rooted trees deeper than they stood before, his advice not to plant during rain, or windy weather and his laying much stress on the phases of the moon as influencing results. While then the ancients were not entirely without silvicultural knowledge, indeed possessed much more than is usually credited to them, the need of a forest policy and of a systematic forest management in the modern sense had not arisen in their time; the mild climate reducing the necessity of fuelwood and the accessibility by water to sources of supply for naval and other construction delaying the need for forest production at home.

There is little doubt, that some of the agricultural and silvicultural knowledge and practice of the Romans found entrance among the German tribes who, especially the Allemanni, came into contact with the Romans in their civilized surroundings during the fourth century.

Besides a dozen or more earlier histories of forestry in Germany, some of which date back to the beginning of the 19th century, there are two excellent modern compilations, namely:.

This volume has been mainly followed in the following presentation of the subject. I, pp. For the time after the Middle ages the most important source is found in the Forest Ordinances of princes and other forest owners; forest laws; police orders; business documents, and finally special literature. It is generally conceded that both the science and art of forestry are most thoroughly developed and most intensively applied throughout Germany.

It must, however, not be understood that perfection has been reached anywhere in the practical application of the art, or that the science, which like that of medicine has been largely a growth of empiricism, is in all parts safely based; nor are definitely settled forest policies so entrenched, that they have become immutable.

On the contrary, there are still mismanaged and unmanaged woods to be found, mainly those in the hands of farmers and other private owners; there are still even in well managed forests [23] practices pursued which are known not to conform to theoretical ideals, and others which lack a sure scientific foundation; and while the general policy of conservative management and of State interest in the same is thoroughly established, the methods of attaining the result are neither uniform throughout the various States which form the German Federation, nor positively settled anywhere.

In other words, the history of forestry is still, even in this most advanced country, in the stage of lively development. For the student of forestry the history of its development in Germany is of greatest interest not only because his art has reached here the highest and most intensive application, but because all the phases of development through which other countries have passed or else will eventually have to pass are here exemplified, and many if not most of the other countries of the world have more or less followed German example or have been at least influenced by German precedent.

There is hardly a policy or practice that has not at some time in some part been employed in the fatherland of forestry. One reason for this rich historical background is the fact, that Germany has never been a unit, that from its earliest history it was broken up into many independent and, until modern times, only loosely associated units, which developed differently in social, political and economic direction.

This accounts also for the great variety of conditions existing even to-day in the 26 principalities which form the German empire. Politically, it may be mentioned that out of the [24] very many independent principalities into which the German territory had been divided, variable in number from time to time, the 26 which had preserved their autonomy formed in the federation of States, known as the German Empire.

Each of these has its own representative government including the forest administration, very much like the state governments of the United States; only the army and navy, tariff, posts, telegraphs, criminal law and foreign policy, and a few other matters are under the direct jurisdiction of the empire, represented in the Reichstag, the Bundesrath, and the Emperor.

The larger part of Germany, two thirds of the territory and population is controlled by modern Prussia, with a total forest area of 20 million acres; Bavaria comes next with one seventh of the land area and 6 million acres of forest; the five larger states of Wurttemberg, Baden, Saxony, Mecklenburg and Hesse, occupying together another seventh of the [25] territory with 5 million acres of forest.

The balance of the area is divided among the other 19 states. Fifty per cent. There are at best only five species of timber of high economic general importance, the Scotch pine which covers large areas in the northern sandy plain and the lighter soils in the south; the Norway spruce and Silver fir which form forests in the southwestern and other mountain regions and represent, in mixture with broadleaf forest, a goodly proportion in the northeastern lowlands; the English oak, of which botanically two species are recognized; and the beech.

The last two are the most important hardwoods found throughout the empire, but especially highly developed in the west and southwest. In addition, there are half a dozen species of minor or more local importance, but the five mentioned form the basis of the forestry systems.

The history of the development of forestry in Germany may be divided into periods variously. Bernhardt recognizes six periods; Schwappach makes four divisions, namely, the first, from the earliest times to the end of the Carlovingians , which is occupied mainly with the development of forest property conditions; the second, to the end of the Middle Ages , during which the necessity of forest management [26] begins to be sporadically recognized; the third, to the end of the 18th century, during which the foundation for the development of all branches of forestry is laid; the fourth, the modern period, accomplishing the complete establishment of forestry methods in all parts of Germany.

For the later historian it would be proper to recognize a fifth period from about , when, by the establishment of experiment stations, a breaking away from the merely empiric basis to a more scientific foundation of forestry practice was begun.

Many of the present conditions, especially those of ownership, as well as the progress in the development both of forest policy and of forest management, can be understood only with some knowledge of the early history of the settlement of the country. As is well known, Aryan tribes from central Asia [27] had more than a thousand years before Christ begun to overrun the country. These belonged to the Keltic Celtic or Gaelic race which had gradually come to occupy partly or wholly, France, Spain, northern Italy, the western part of Germany and the British Islands.

They were followed by the Germani supposedly a Celtic word meaning neighbor or brother , also Aryan tribes, who appeared at the Black Sea about B. These were followed by the Slovenes, Slovaks, or Wends, crowding on behind, disputing and taking possession of the lands left free by, or conquered from the Germani. Through these migrations, by about A.

The mixture of the different elements of victors and vanquished led to differentiation into three classes of people, economically and politically speaking, namely the free, the unfree serfs or slaves , and the freedmen—an important distinction in the development of property rights. The German tribes who remained conquerors were composed of the different groups of Franks, Saxons, Thuringians, Bajuvarians, Burgundians, etc.

Outside of house, yard and garden, there was no private property; the land surrounding the settlement, known as Allmende , commons was owned in common, but assigned in parcels to each family for field use, the assignment first changing from year to year, then becoming fixed.

The outlying woods, known as the Marca or Grenzwald , forming debatable ground with the neighboring tribes, were used in common for hunting, pasturing, fattening of hogs by the oak mast, and for other such purposes, rather than for the wood of which little was needed.

In return for the assignment of the fields, the free men, who alone were fully recognized citizens of the community, had to fulfil the duties of citizens and especially of war service. Only gradually, by partition, immigration and uneven numerical development, was the original Mark or differentiation into family associations destroyed and a more heterogeneous association of neighbors substituted.

At the same time, inequality of ownership arose especially from the fact that those who owned a larger number of slaves the conquered race had the advantage in being able to clear and cultivate more readily new and rough forest ground. Those without slaves would seek assistance from those more favored, exchanging for rent or service their rights to the use of land; out of this relationship a certain vassalage and inequality of political rights developed.

Under the influence of Roman doctrine, a new aspect regarding newly conquered territory gained recognition, by which the Dukes as representatives of the community laid claim to all unseated or unappropriated [29] land; they then distributed to their followers or donated to the newly established church portions of this land, so that by the year A.

By that time the large baronial estates of private owners had come into existence which were of such great significance in the economic history of the Middle Ages, changing considerably the status of the free men, and changing the free mark societies into communities under the dominion of the barons. The first real king, who did not, however, assume the title, was Clovis, a Duke of the Franks, who had occupied the lower Rhine country.

About A. In this way he laid the foundation for a kingdom which he extended by conquest mainly to the westward, but also by strategy to the eastward, the warlike tribes of Saxons and other Germans conceding in a manner the leadership of the Franks.

A real kingdom, however, did not arise until Charlemagne, in , became the ruler, extending his government far to the East. At times, the kingdom was divided into the western Neustria, and the eastern Austria, and then again united, but it was only when the dynasty of Charlemagne became extinct with the death of Louis the Child , that the final separation from France was effected, and Germany became a separate kingdom, the eastern tribes between the Rhine and Elbe choosing their own king, Conrad, Duke of Franconia.

There were then five tribes or nations, each under its [30] own Duke and its own laws, comprising this new kingdom, namely the Franks, Suabians, Bavarians, Saxons on the right, and the Lorainers on the left bank of the Rhine, while the country East of the Elbe river was mostly occupied by Slovenians. With Clovis began the new order of things which was signalized by the aggrandizement of kings, dukes and barons. In addition to the rule regarding the ownership of unseated lands there developed, also under Roman law doctrine, the conception of seignorial right, i.

This right, first claimed by the duke or king for himself, is then transferred with the territory given to his friends and vassals, who thereby secure for themselves his powers and jurisdiction, immunity from taxes and from other duties, as well as the right to exact taxes and services from others, the favored growing into independent knights and barons. The forest, then, originally was communal property and the feeling of this ownership in common remains even to the present day.

Indeed, actually it remained in most cases so until the 13th century, although the changes noted had their origin in the 7th century when the kings began to assert their rights of princely superiority. In these earlier ages, the main use of the forests was for the hunt, the mast and the pasture, and since wood was relatively plentiful, forest destruction was the rule.

Those who became possessed of larger properties through the causes mentioned tried to secure [31] an increased value of their possessions by colonization, in which especially the slaves or serfs were utilized. These often became freedmen, paying rent in product or labor, and acquiring the rights of usufruct in the property, out of which developed the so-called servitudes or rights of user , the praedium of the Romans, a limited right to use the property of another.

With the development of private property there naturally also developed the right of preventing the hunting on such lands, this being then their main use. This right to reserve the chase and the fishing, that is, to establish banforests was in the 10th century extended by the kings to territory not belonging to them, the right to the chase being according to the Roman doctrine a regal right over any property.

Banforests also grew up through owners of properties placing themselves and their possessions under the protection of kings or bishops or other powerful barons and giving in exchange this hunting right, and in various other ways. While in this way the freedom of the communal owners was undermined, the institution of banforests had nevertheless its value in that it led to forest protection, restriction in forest use and restriction in clearing, all this, to be sure, merely for the benefit of the chase.

Special officers to guard the rights of the king, forestarii , chosen from the free and freedmen, and also superior officers, forestmasters , were instituted, to administer the chase and enforce the restrictions which went with it. Undoubtedly also through the influence of Roman institutions with which the Franks under their Merovingian kings came into close contact, there arose that social and political institution which became finally known as the feudal system.

By the grants of lands which the kings made out of their estates to their kinsmen and followers with the understanding that they would be faithful and render service to their masters, a peculiar relationship grew up, based on land tenure, the land so granted being called a fief or feud , and the relationship being called vassality or vassalage.

This vassalage denoted the personal tie between the grantor and grantee, the lord and the vassal; the lord having the obligation to defend the vassal, and the vassal to be a faithful follower of his lord. Similar relationship arose from the surrender by landowners of their estates to the church or to other powerful barons, to be received back again as fiefs and to be held by them as tenants in exchange for rent or service.

In this way a complete organization of society developed in which, from the king down to the lowest landowner, all were bound together by obligation of service and defence, both the defence and service being regulated by the nature and extent of the fief. Finally, all kinds of property of whatever nature, as well as official positions which would give an income, were subject to be treated as fiefs.

The fiefs of the higher class, while at first given only to the individual, became early hereditary, and hereditary succession to estates and offices generally became the rule.

Primogeniture in the succession to the estates did then not as in England prevail in Germany; instead, either tenancy in common, or else equal division among the sons was practised. As a result the very many small principalities came into existence in the 14th and 15th centuries, these growing smaller and smaller by subdivision. The first to institute the primogeniture rule by law was the house of Brandenburg in the 15th century.

In addition to the class of peasants and knights, there came into existence a third class, the burghers, when, by the order of Conrad I in the beginning of the 10th century, towns were built with walls and towers for defence against the encroachments of the Huns, who endangered the eastern frontier Mark.

In order to encourage the settlement of these towns, any slave moving to town was declared a freeman; and the cities became free republics; gifts of land, including forest areas, were made to the cities, and the development of industries was encouraged in every way. These cities, favored by the kings, and, having become rich and powerful, in the later quarrels of the kings with the lawless nobility, gave loyal support [35] with money and arms.

In return for their loans, the forest properties of the kings were often mortgaged to the burghers; and, failing of redemption, were often forfeited to them.

In this way and through purchases the city forests came into existence. Still other property conditions arose when, under Otto the Great , colonization of the eastern country beyond the Elbe was pushed. As stated, the German tribes which settled the country were herders and hunters, who only gradually developed into farmers while the country was being settled.

At first, therefore, as far as the forest did not need to give way to farm lands, its main use was in the exercise of the chase and for pasture, and especially for the raising and fattening of hogs; the number of hogs which could be driven into a forest serving as an expression of the size of such a forest.

Oak and beech furnishing the mast were considered the preferable species. It is natural, therefore, that, wood being plentiful and the common property of all, the first regulation of forest use had reference to these, now minor benefits of forest property, as for instance the prohibition of cutting mast trees, which was enforced in early times.

The first extensive regulation of forest use came however, from the exercise of the royal right of the ban and merely for the avowed purpose of protecting the chase.

Real forest management, however, did not exist, the forestarii mentioned in these early times being nothing but policemen guarding the hunting rights of the kings or other owners. The necessity of clearing farm lands for the growing population continued, even in the western, more densely populated sections, into the 12th and 13th centuries.

The cloisters were especially active in colonizing and making farm land with the use of axe and fire, such cloisters being often founded as mere land speculations. Squatters, as with us, were a frequent class of colonists, and in eastern Prussia continued even into the 17th and 18th centuries to appropriate forest land without regard to property rights. The disturbed ownership conditions, which we have traced, led also often to wasteful slashing, especially in the western territory, while colonization among the Slavs of the Eastern sections led to similar results.

In the 12th century, however, here and there appear the first signs of greater necessity for regulating and restricting forest use in the Mark forest, and for improvement in forest conditions with the purpose of insuring wood supplies. In that century, division of the Mark forest begins for the alleged reason that individual ownership would lead to better management and less devastation.

In the 12th and 13th centuries also, stricter order in the fellings and in forest use was insisted upon in many places. In the forest ordinances of the princes and barons, which, of course, have always reference to limited localities, we find prescriptions like the following: The amount to be cut is to be limited to the exact needs of each family and the proper use of the wood is to be inspected; the timber is to be marked, must be cut in a given time and be [38] removed at once; only dry wood is to be used for fuel and the place and time for gathering it is specially designated, similar to the present practice.

The best oak and beech are to be preserved this, however, merely with reference to the mast , and in the Alps we find already provisions to reserve larch and pine. The charcoal industry is favored because of easier transportation of its product , but permitted only under special precautions. Bark peeling and burning for potash is forbidden.

The pasture is regulated with regard to the young growth, and sheep and goats are excluded. Such measures are, to be sure, found only here and there where local conditions gave rise to a fear of a timber famine; such communities may also be found making attempts to protect themselves against reduction of home supplies by forbidding the export of wood from their territory. An amusing restriction of this kind is found at Altenstadt where the bakers were forbidden to bake bread for any but the citizens of the town.

The first ordinance prohibiting for clearings is found at Lorsch in the Rhenish country in , and other ordinances with such prohibition are on record in other parts in the 13th century. The difficulties of transportation in the absence of roads rendered local supply of more importance than [39] at present, and this accounts for the early measures to secure more economical use while distant woods were still plentiful but unavailable.

In , Henry VII ordered the reforestation of a certain stripped area by sowing. Of the execution of this order we have no record, but the first actually executed plantation on record is that by the city of Nuremberg, in , where several hundred acres of burned area were sowed with pine, spruce and fir; and there is also a record that in this crop was harvested.

In , the city of Frankfort on the Main followed this example, relying on the Nuremberg seed dealer, whose correspondence is extant and who was invited to go to Frankfort for advice how to proceed.

He sowed densely in order to secure clear boles, but expressed the opinion that the plants could not be transplanted; he also relied on the phases of the moon for his operations. The planting of hardwoods seems to have been begun much later; the first reference to it coming from the cloister and city of Seligenstadt, which agreed in to reforest annually 20 to 30 acres with oak.

Natural regeneration by coppice was in quite general practice and proved satisfactory enough for fuelwood production. Toward the end of the period we find, however, various provisions which are unquestionably dictated by the fear of a scarcity of timber. The discovery that pasture prevents natural regeneration led to a prohibition of pasturing in the newly cut felling areas. In , we find already a diameter limit of 12 inches—just as is being advocated in the United States now—as a basis for conservative exploitation, the city of Brunswick buying stumpage, and in the contract being limited to this diameter, and in addition obligated to leave 15 oaks or aspen per acre for seed trees.

Attempts at regulating the use of a given forest by division into felling areas are recorded in , when the city forest of Erfurt, acres, was divided into seven felling areas.

It is questionable whether this referred to a coppice with short rotation or whether a selection forest with seven periodic areas is meant. We see, then, that the first sporadic and, to be sure, crude beginnings of a forest management in Germany [41] may be traced back to the 14th and 15th centuries; but it took at least to years before such management became general.

Outside of the information found scattered in forest ordinances, instructions and prescriptions of various kinds there is no forestry literature to be recorded from this period except one single book, published about the year , by an Italian, Petrus de Crescentiis, which was translated into German.

It was merely a scholastic compilation on agriculture and allied subjects, mostly cribbed from old Roman writers and without value for German conditions. The period following the middle ages marks the gradual changes from the feudal system to the modern State organizations and to considerable change of ownership conditions and forest treatment.

Various causes which led to an increased development of industrial life were also instrumental in hastening the progress of forest destruction. At the same time, during this period the germs and embryonic beginnings of every branch of forestry, real forestry policy, forestry practice and forestry science are to be noted. By the end of this period, preparatory to more modern conditions, we find organized technical forest administrations, well developed methods of silviculture and systems of forest management.

A number of changes in the conceptions of political relations, in methods of life and of political economy brought further changes in property conditions on the same lines as those prevailing in the 14th and 15th centuries. These changes were especially influenced by the spread of Roman law doctrine regarding the rights of the governing classes; by the growth of the cities, favoring industrial development and changing methods of life; by the change from barter to money management, favored by the discovery of America, by other world movements, and by the resulting changes in economic theory.

Through the discovery of the new world and the influx of gold and silver that came with it gave impetus to industry and commerce of the cities; the rapid increase of money capital increased extravagance and induced a desire for amassing wealth, which changed modes of life, changed policies and systems of political economy. The fiscal policy of the many little principalities was dominated by a desire to get a good balance of trade by fostering exports of manufactures, but forbidding exports of raw materials like forest products, also by forbidding imports, subsidizing industries, fixing prices by law, and taking in general an inimical attitude towards outsiders except in so far as they sent gold and silver into the country.

This fiscal policy, which was bent upon bringing cash into the country, led, under the direction of servile officials, to oppressive measures. A reaction naturally followed, when it was pointed out that the real wealth of a nation lies in its natural resources and in its labor. The doctrine of the Roman law, deified by the jurists and commentators, undermined the national conceptions and institutions of free citizenship and of existing property relations; courts, legislation and administration were subject to their sway, and this influence lasted, in spite of reactions, until the end of the 18th century.

Under it the doctrine of the imperium —the seignorage or superior power of the princes Hoheitsrecht —was further developed into the dominium terrae , i. To sustain their position in each of the state units, a restriction of the autonomy of churches and cloisters, of the Mark and of the vassals became needful to the princes.

For a time the three privileged classes of prelates, knights and burghers, combined [44] in the Landstand or Landtag , participated in some of the functions of government, especially in raising and administering taxes, but by the second half of the 14th century the princes had become absolute, and the doctrine of the Hoheitsrecht was firmly established.

Under this doctrine, the historic position of the Mark is perverted and instead of being the common property of the people, it becomes the property of the prince, on which he graciously permits the usufruct; for, forest, pasture and water Wald, Weide, Wasser are res publicae , hence ownerless and at the disposal of the king.

Through this new construction of relationship, as well as through the same machinations and tricks which the princes as Obermaerker or headmen of the Mark had employed during the foregoing period in usurping power, and partly through voluntary dissolution was the decadence of the social, economic and political organization of the Mark gradually completed. The original usufruct of a property held in common is explained in the Roman sense as a precarium or servitude, and from being a right of the whole organization becomes a right of the single individual or group of individuals.

In this way the socialistic basis of the Mark is destroyed. Through the exercise of the Forsthoheit , i. The nobility move into the cities and leave the administration of their estates to officials who are constantly pressed to furnish the means for the extravagant life of their masters.

These, briefly, are the steps by which the changes, social and economic, progressed. Reforms in this situation of the peasantry began first in Prussia in , when bondage was abolished for all those who could purchase their houses and farms from the gentry. As few had the means to do so, the result was the creation of a proletariat, hitherto unknown because under the old feudal system the lord had to feed his impoverished bondsmen from which he was now absolved.

Changes in forest property in particular were brought about by the increase of princely property through the various methods of exercising the seignorage. In addition, wherever waste lands grew up to wood, they were claimed by the princes:. It is these properties, which in Prussia were turned over by the King to the State in , and by other princes, not until the 19th century.

Partition had become desirable when the restrictions of use which were ordered for the good of the forest became unendurable under the rigid rule of appointed officials, but the expected improvement in management which was looked for from partition and private ownership was never realized. From free republics they became mere corporations under the supervision of appointed officials, and experienced decadence in political as well as material directions.

Hence, no increase in city forest took place except through division of the [47] Mark forest in which cities had been co-owners, and through secularized properties of cloisters. The worst feature, from the standpoint of forest treatment, which resulted from these changes in property conditions and relationship, was the growth of the pernicious servitudes or rights of user, which were either conferred to propitiate the powerless but dangerous peasantry, or evolved out of the feudal relations.

From the 16th to the 19th centuries these servitudes grew to such an extent that in almost every forest some one outside of the owner had the right to use parts of it, either the pasture, or the litter, or certain classes or sizes of wood. These rights have proved the greatest impediment to the progress of forestry until most recent times, and only within the last few decades have the majority of them been extinguished by legal process or compromise.

Under the exercise of these various rights and the uncertainty of property conditions, the forest conditions naturally deteriorated continuously until the end of the 18th century; the virgin woods were culled of their wealth and then grew up to brush, as is usual in the United States.

Every forest ordinance began with complaints regarding the increasing forest devastation, and predicted a timber famine in view of the increasing population, increasing industry and commerce, and hence increased wood consumption. Especially along the water routes, which furnished the means of [48] transportation, the available supplies were ruthlessly exploited. More serious enemies than the exploitation of the timber proved the pasturing of cattle, the removal of the litter, and above all, the fires.

This high-handed policy, which recalled the worst days of Spartan imperialism, was all the more foolish, as Thebes could spare no troops to garrison Achaea, counter-revolution by the oligarchic exiles presently swept the new democracies away, and the restored oligarchs played up to the. A part which Thebes had imposed upon them by making alliance with Sparta.

For this failure it was but a meagre compensation that the Thebans recovered the border town of Or opus from the Athenians summer and defeated an attempt by a demagogue named Euphron to expel their garrison from Sicyon. It was not concluded without protest 1 There is a federal Achaean coinage issued probably at this period. But Lycomedes carried the day, and, though he died to secure the ratification of the shortly after, he lived long enough alliance at Athens.

It now remained to be seen whether the Athenians would resume the part of arbitrators in the Peloponnese which they had after Leuctra. The Arcadian treaty was played for a brief moment a handsome testimonial to a power which appeared to be alone able to offer alliances on a basis of genuine autonomy. But the Athenians promptly belied their reputation by a piece of sharp of Phoebidas and Sphodrias.

But with an artlessness that did little credit to their knavery they allowed their in the Assembly. The Corinproject to be mentioned quite openly thians of course got wind of the plot.

But the Corinthians had only steered Having taken over the foul of Scylla. Fortunately the mercenary corps which was the instrument of Timophanes' power played false in turn to its master, for they allowed him to be assassinated by a few patriots under the leadership of the tyrant's brother Timoleon, The Corinthians thus recovered their liberty, but after their double surprise they decided to contract out of a war which was degenerating into mere brigandage and opened negotiations with Thebes.

Though pressed to transfer themselves to the Theban side and thus to obtain revenge against Athens, they refused to turn their arms against their former allies, and before breaking away from their old confederates they endeavoured to obtain the inclusion of Sparta in the peace.

The Spartans rejected the good offices of Corinth rather than abandon their claim to Messenia. Indeed the war for the possession of this land was henceforth waged with pen no less than sword. Thus Sparta stood aloof from the peace. But the Corinthians signed it with a clear conscience.

At the same time too they secured a settlement for the minor states of Argolis such as Epidaurus, and for the little fortress of Phlius, which had hitherto stood valiantly by Sparta in spite of the incessant attacks from Argos, Arcadia and Sicyon winter V. In , after several years of quiescence, the Eleans determined to enforce a clause in the Persian rescript of which awarded to them the debatable lands on the Arcadian border. Though they failed to take the capital they permanently occupied Olympia and Pylos, thus securing access to the plains of the Alpheus and Peneus, and systematically harried the Elean lowlands.

The Eleans now cast about for allies and successively enlisted the Achaeans and the Spartans. The Achaeans threw a garrison into the city of Elis, and a Spartan force under Archithat the fighting damus made a sudden foray into Arcadian territory and fortified a position at Cromnus which threatened Megalopolis late In or early in The Arcadians in turn invoked their allies.

The Athenians, who had stipulated that they should not serve against Sparta, held back; but the Argives and Messenians came to the rescue, and the Thebans, who had also received a call, seized the opportunity of reasserting their influence and sent a small contingent.

This coalition only kept the field long enough to reduce Cromnus and take prisoner its garrison, but by this success they set the Arcadians free to round upon the Eleans, who had meanwhile done nothing to assist the hard-pressed Spartans at Cromnus spring Reinforced by an Argive and Athenian corps, the Arcadians strengthened their defences at Olympia; and they induced the people of the surrounding region of Pisatia to set C. The new stewards of the course attracted sufficient competitors to make up the usual events.

The Eleans had now been fought after Spartans made no further move repelled,, and the to a standstill; and as the their mishap at Cromnus, the Arcadians held their conquests unmolested. Their seizure of the Olympic sanctuary does not appear to have made any deep claim that Pisatis had impression upon Greece; moreover, their trustee of formerly been an independent state and was the original the But dominion the holy places was probably quite well founded.

The of their recent regular army which had been the instrument is It probable that from the conquests was an expensive luxury. It is of the conquest Olympia by raiding of a loan, and that the form the took raid the that true ostensibly 1 of its proceeds bore the name of Pisa , not of out issued coins gold Arcadia; but these subterfuges probably deceived nobody. Considering that compulsory loans from temples were not an uncommon expedient in Greek statecraft, we must admit that the Arcadians strained rather than broke Greek conventions.

Being largely of Arcadian nationality, this force had a large vote in the federal synod, and as its professional interests lay in the direction of warfare and plunder without end, it naturally favoured a more adventurous policy than the more substantial and settled population desired. Eventually the Mantineans protested in the federal congress against the use of the sacred moneys, and after a sharp tussle with the federal authorities, who vainly endeavoured to stifle the protests by prosecuting their authors for treason, they won over a majority of the Assembly.

It is not known whether compensation was offered for the abstracted temple treasures. The terms were accepted,, and a feud which had to the peace of the Peloponnese become one of the chief menaces was thus ended winter But the settlement of the Elean question revived a problem which had become the crux of Peloponnesian politics, whether Peloponnesian disputes should be submitted to the arbitration of Thebes.

Before the completion of the negotiations with Elis some members of the Arcadian executive appealed to Thebes for intervention against the Arcadian assembly. The Thebans, who had participated in the campaign for the recovery of Cromnus, had at least a formal right of complaint for having been ignored in the peace discussions, and they decided to exercise their right in a forcible manner.

In concert with the Arcadian malcontents they sent a small force to purge Arcadia as they had purged Achaea in The commander of this force appeared at the ceremony of swearing to the Elean peace, which the Arcadian executive had by collusion convened to Tegea where feeling presumably ran strongest against the peace party and having reassured the delegates by taking the oath in his own person he arrested as many of them as he could lay hands on.

But the Mantinean representatives, who were the birds best worth bagging, had already flown. The fugitives at once called the rest of Arcadia to arms, and the Theban maladroit was glad to ransom himself by surrendering his captives.

Epaminondas, as usual, was all for drastic measures, and urged that it would be treason for Thebes to desert her own partisans in the Peloponnese.

After their recent successful intervention in Thessaly the Thebans were in the mood for one more Peloponnesian adventure. They resolved to coerce the Arcadian independents and made preparations for a great military effort, in which all the Central Greeks and Thessalians were required to participate.

The Theban mobilization had the immediate effect of splitting up the Arcadian federation and dividing the Peloponnese into two hostile camps.

While the northern portion of Arcadia stood firm by Man tinea, the southern section, including Tegea and Megalo- polis, threw in its lot with Thebes. Epaminondas, who was first in the field with his Central Greek and Thessalian levy, at Nemea passed unchecked through the Isthmus and then halted in order to intercept the Athenian forces. But the Athenians outwitted their enemy by using the sea route to Laconia and proceeding thence to Arcadia, and while the Thebans were wasting time on a false trail his opponents effected a general also held firm to the Theban alliance.

Nevertheless Epaminondas kept the Having joined forces with his Peloponmade a sudden night march upon Sparta, the capture of which would have been of little strategic but of high moral value. At this moment Sparta was practically defence1 less. Part of the Spartan forces had already reached Mantinea ; the main army under Agesilaus had only just started out from Sparta, but as Tegea barred the direct road to Mantinea, it was proceeding by a more circuitous route through Pellene and Asea, and thus stood but little chance of falling in with Epaminondas.

But a deserter brought news to Agesilaus just in time for him to initiative in his hands. From this point he immediately sent forward his Theban and Thessalian horsemen towards Mantinea in order to seize the Mantinean harvest, then in process of being cut. As the main army had meantime moved off to the rescue of Sparta by the Asea route, the Mantinean territory should have fallen an easy prey to the invaders.

But an Athenian cavalry troop, which had just arrived at Mantinea after several days of forced marching, sallied out and by a vigorous charge routed the marauders, who were perhaps just as jaded as their attackers. In this action the historian Xenophon lost a son, but with that self-suppression which characterizes more than one part of his Hellenic he left it to others to commemorate this incident. After this second check Epaminondas took no further ad1 See map facing p. Though in numbers he was scarcely if at all superior to his opponents, each side probably numbering some 25, men, yet by his personal ascendancy he had created a fine fighting spirit through all his force, and his Boeotian contingent, which was now drilled uniformly on the Theban model, was capable of winning a battle single-handed.

The upland valley in which Mantinea and Tegea were narrowed in the middle like an hour-glass by two spurs projecting from the adjacent longitudinal ranges.

As at Leuctra, Epaminondas decided to stake everything on an overwhelming thrust against the enemy's key position. Instead of dressing his whole front by the left, he again, as at Leuctra, kept his centre and right wing lagging in successive echelons.

As a further means of deferring the action on his right flank he posted a detachment on the rising ground at the edge of the battlefield, so as to take in flank any sudden advance by the enemy's left wing. On his own left wing he drew up his entire Boeotian infantry corps in a deep ramming formation, and on its flank a similar level situated is interspersed with quick-footed javelin-men. To put his adversaries off their guard he changed direction during his advance and turned in under a mountain spur on his left.

Here wedge of cavalry he made the deception complete by halting his men and making them ground arms. So successful was this ruse that the enemy concluded that he had called off his attack and was going to pitch camp, and under this impression relinquished their battle order. When their formation was thoroughly broken up, Epaminondas right-turned again into line of battle and made a surprise onset. Of the details of this combat we have no trustworthy account. To such an extent was Epaminondas the brain of his army that the moment it lost his?

Athenians made short work of the enemy's left wing, where the of them. The centre and right wing Bpaminondas' force paused before it became seriously engaged. Thus the loss of one man converted a decisive victory into an unprofitable draw. In the history of ancient warfare Epaminondas is an outstanding figure. In his methodical exploitation of Greek shock on the march, and in tactics, in his handling of multiple columns the personal magnetism by which he bound men of diverse cities and political interests into his service, he will bear comparison with the great Macedonian captains who followed him and indeed may be called his pupils.

As a politician Epaminondas deserves full credit for his freedom from that rancorous spirit of party which obsessed most politicians of his age and bore off like a harpy the infant Theban democracy. On the other hand, he does not rank as a great Panhellenic patriot indeed we may ascribe even to Agesilaus a clearer appreciation of the need for Panhellenic solidarity. His political vision does not appear to have extended beyond an ill-defined suzerainty of Thebes over Greece, or to have envisaged any better instrument of control than haphazard military intervention.

His political achievements therefore were mainly negative. The Thebans, who had never given a consistent support to Epaminondas' policy of adventures and therefore hardly required his prompting, at once convened a new congress. At this meeting the only serious difficulty that arose was over Messenia: rather than recognize its independence, the Spartans stood out of the settlement. But such was the general war-weariness that the other belligerents abandoned all outstanding claims and guaranteed each other's possessions by a general defensive alliance.

The general treaty, moreover, was reinforced by a specific convention drawn up shortly after second half of or first half of by Athens, Achaea, Phlius and the reconstructed Arcadian League with the same object in view. Yet such alliances remained mere expressions of a pious opinion failing some provision for the regular interchange of opinion among their members, and the prompt execution of common resolutions. Greece had to wait twenty-four years longer until a statesman of real constructive ability provided her with a federal machinery that was at once equitable and efficient p.

In the absence of any effective scheme of co-operation among the land powers of the Greek world, the revived maritime league of Athens remained for the moment the only centre of union which might serve as the nucleus of a general Greek Confederacy, This league, as we have seen chap, in , failed to attract the states of the Greek mainland. The Thebans, who had been enrolled among its original members, did not remain in it for long, and in seceding from it they detached the Acarnanians, Euboeans and Chalcidians B.

But most of the maritime allies adhered to Athens and took part in the various peace congresses between and B. In securing the freedom of the seas the Athenian Confederacy accomplished work of manifest value, and if the Athenians had remained true to its original principle of mutual defence, it might well have lived on and even experienced a new growth.

But the Athenians had not learnt sufficiently the lesson of their past failures, and the naval ascendancy which they had recovered in the warfare of the 'seventies was again perverted from purposes of defence to be an instrument of oppression. The first symptom of a relapse into former errors may be discerned in the renewed interest which the Athenians displayed in their long-lost colony of Amphipoiis.

In the convention with the Peloponneskn states drawn up after the battle of Leuctra they had stipulated for a free hand in dealing with the city, and in their general Iphicrates was sent out with a squadron to recapture it, but failed. But the real starting-point in their career of acquisitive imIn that year Callistratus, who had conperialism was B. He powerful The Athenian general had been enjoined to treat Persia with little reason for keeping to his instructions.

The Persian empire, having recovered from one epidemic of rebellions in the 'eighties, was passing through a second and even more dangerous crisis in the 'sixties. In Egypt the native respect, but he saw prince Nectanebo I maintained his independence against all comers: in he repelled an invasion by a large composite force of Persian levies and Greek mercenaries few years later c.

But the most serious rebellion broke out in Asia Minor, whose governors, long accustomed to passive In Cappadocia a disloyalty, now became openly mutinous. Datames was named goaded by a palace capable native satrap insurrection.

His into example was followed to intrigue open east and west by the governor of Armenia and by Ariobarzanes the successor of Pharnabazus, whose efforts to recruit a mercenary force in Greece we have already noticed. In Caria Hecatomnus' son Mausolus played the same double game as his father had practised in the Cyprian war; and Autophradates the satrap of Lydia was eventually constrained by his rebel neighbours to make common cause with them For a while all Asia Minor was lost to the King.

But in the long run the Persian governors proved yet more disloyal to each other than to their overlord. Several of the lesser mutineers deserted back to Artaxerxes, and after the deaths of the ringleaders, Datames and Ariobarzanes c. After some years of exile he returned to Athens as a suppliant, but the death sentence passed on him in absentia 1 was put into effect.

After the campaign of Mantinea the aged king again turned condottiere and fought his last battles in the employ of the rebel princes of Egypt p. While Agesilaus was earning subsidies for Sparta, Timotheus was acquiring territory for Athens. After a ten months siege Samos capitulated to him, and in return for services unspecified Ariobarzanes made over to him the important station of Sestos on the Hellespont 3 In the following years 3 64 3 Timotheus was sent to the Macedonian coast, where Iphicrates had wasted four years in futile endeavours to recover Amphipolis.

The new commander did no better against this fortress, but with the help of the Macedonian king Perdiccas, who had recently murdered the regent Ptolemy and now was eager to buy the recognition of Athens, he wrested Torone, Potidaea, Pydna, Methone, and several other cities from the Chalcidian League.

At the instigation of Epaminondas, who rightly perceived that Athens was now his chief adversary, and that the quickest means of checkmating her would be to demolish her naval supremacy, they annexed the Locrian harbour of Larymna and there built an armada of warships.

This fleet, by far the greatest that ever sailed under a Boeotian flag, so took the Athenians by surprise that they for the moment let the trident drop from their hands. After this rapid success they returned home, apparently without attempting to procure other defections, although the islands of Naxos and Ceos declared for them ; and the new turn which Peloponnesian politics took in the ensuing years precluded them from undertaking a second cruise.

By her failure to follow up her first naval success Thebes probably lost nothing in the long run; although she could supply ships and mea, she lacked the funds which were indispensable for sustained naval operations.

Not only did Alexander's flotilla make successful tip-and-run among the Cyclades, but it inflicted some loss upon its raids Athenian pursuers before it slipped back into its port at Pagasae.

But this foray, like that of Epaminondas, was more annoying than dangerous. After these diversions the Athenians were able to resume In this quarter the operations in the region of the Hellespont. Thracian king Cotys 5 who was not content like his to leave his seaboard in predecessors Medocus and Hebryzelmis offered persistent opposition to the seizure of new foreign hands, stations by Athens.

But after his death the greater part of the Gallipoli peninsula passed into Athenian hands. This acquisition, together with the recapture of Euboea in , marks the limit of Athens naval expansion in the fourth century.

Judged by the map, Athenian imperialism might appear to have been justified once more. For a second time the Athenian protectorate played over into a tyranny, It was perhaps but a small matter when Athens punished rebellions on the islands of Ceos and Naxos by limiting their jurisdiction The establishment of cleruchies at Samos and Potidaea , though undeniably contrary to the spirit of the Second Confederacy, did not infringe its letter, as these two acquisitions were not formally enrolled in the League.

But the financial consequences of the new imperialism were 7 Athenian war expenditure, which had already been swollen by the cost of the mercenaries on garrison duty at the Isthmus, was further inflated by the upkeep of a fleet whose gradual increase to a total of over 2,50 ships is recorded in a series of contemporary navy-lists which have been preserved on inutterly ruinous, scriptions.

The yearly contributions of the allies, amounting at most to talents, together with the of the Athenian proceeds property tax, proved woefully inadequate to cover the military outlay. The straits to which lack of funds had reduced Timotheus in became a normal experience of each successive admiral.

The more considerate commanders, such as Timotheus himself, had recourse to the private generosity of their ships' captains, or paid their debts in token money issued for eventual redemption in silver out of the spoils of war. The more reckless ones blackmailed the allied cities and plundered the merchant of shipping the Aegean. Thus the history of the decade after Leuctra marks the final failure of city-state imperialism on land and sea.

This failure, coupled with the constant recrudescence of faction fighting within the several cities, the general unsettlement and the partial impoverishment which followed upon the political unrest, might lead the reader to infer, as some of the most keen-sighted of Greek contemporaries did in fact conclude, that the decline and of Greece had now definitely set in.

But quand Dieu efface il fall se prepare a ecrire. But her victory led, Persian War, to a distinct development of democracy. The absence of Hermocrates on naval work in the cause of Sparta and of the to the plans of the Peloponnesians removed the gravest obstacle 2 the 1 After democratic party vol. Accordingly Syracusan and other Siceliote forces sailed to the coasts of Asia Minor to reinforce the Spartan armies which were now acting with Persian help against the cities which belonged to the Athenian Empire.

The statesman Hermocrates, who had been the most effective leader of the Syracusans in resisting the Athenians, was the most conspicuous of the generals commanding these Sicilian contingents, which seem to have made a very good impression by their gallantry and good behaviour. In the meantime in Syracuse Itself party warfare had broken out and, in the absence of Hermocrates, one of his political opponents named Diocles had gained preponderant influence in the Assembly, and had induced it to pass a decree of banishment against Hermocrates and the other absent generals compare above voL v, p.

Diocles, the chief opponent of Hermocrates, made changes and adopted ideas which seem to have been inspired by Athenian practice. The transfer of power from the military and other civil authorities was especially important, and the magistrates, who Note. The source for the continuous narrative of events in this Chapter Diodorus Siculus xm-xv , who derived his information from the works of the Syracusan Philistus, and also from the works of Ephorus and Timaeus.

His chronology is very unsatisfactory and he has omitted much; he can be supplemented here and there by Xenophon and other writers see the is Bibliography. No official documents of the Syracusan state during this period are extant. This democratized state had now to face the danger of a new Carthaginian invasion. The fact that Carthage, since her repulse at Himera in B. The frontier dispute between Selinus and Segesta, which had now been resumed, afforded her a welcome pretext when Segesta native Africans, but Sicilian appealed to her for help.

Mercenaries were enlisted in Spain and troops raised in Libya until the army exceeded , men, well provided with all the resources of Punic siege-craft.

The transports, 1 in number, were covered by a battle-fleet of 60 warships. The obsession of vengeance for his grandfather, Hamilcar, who fell in the great disaster at Himera made him eagerly accept the duty. He crossed to the neighbourhood of Motya and, joining forces with his Sicilian allies, marched to Selinus which was taken, sacked and destroyed, despite a brave resistance. Hannibal, having performed the duty which he had been sent by the state to perform, then turned his thoughts to his personal plans of vengeance.

He to Himera and besieged it, but before his troops could force an entrance, help came from Syracuse, under the command of Diocles.

Hannibal was forced to resort to stratagem, and declared that his plan was to march upon Syracuse. Anxious to return to protect his native town, Diocles persuaded the Himeraeans to abandon their city. Half the inhabitants were put on a squadron of 25 triremes which had just appeared, and sailed for Messana, while the remainder were to hold out until the ships returned.

Meanwhile Hannibal pressed the siege with redoubled vigour. When the returning ships were in sight of the doomed city, the Spanish troops of Hannibal broke through the walls and massacred the inhabitants.

Himera perished utterly. The solemn rites of torture and death were held on the spot where Hamilcar had died 1 Leaving troops to support the allies of Carthage, Hannibal returned to Carthage, content with revenge and his success at Selinus.

Syracttsan both of Carthage and of his and army procured by the fleet small a him with had own city. He the satrap, Failing to Pharnabazus friend his of parting gifts to distinguish himself resolved he to admission secure Syracuse, made Selinus his base He national the enemy.

These successes invited a reaction in his favour, which he sought to increase by sending back to Syracuse the bones of the citizens which Diocles had left unburied before the walls of Himera.

The solemn procession marked the contrast between his achievement and the failure of his democratic rival. Diocles was exiled, but the Syracusans refused to vote the recall of Hermocrates, For, not without reason, they suspected that he was determined to be the master of Syracuse.

Thereupon Hermocrates sought to force an entry, but his friends failed him, and he fell in the agora near the gate of Achradina. The Syracusans who had not wished to gain a tyrant at the price of Carthaginian enmity sought to disown the activities of Hermocrates in Western Sicily, but the Carthaginians, at once encouraged and infuriated, decided to send another great expedition and subdue Greek Sicily once for all.

It is the modern Termini. While embassies had gone to and fro between Syracuse and Carthage, the recruiting agents of Carthage had hired mercenaries in Spain, the Balearic islands, and Italy. Hannibal was again in command, with his younger kinsman Himilco as his chief lieutenant. His first task was not easy, the safe passage of his transports to in the face of the Sicily Syracusan fleet. This he achieved a to defeat near squadron Jby exposing Eryx while the remainder of his ships crossed in to the south-west of safety the island B C.

His first was She had objective Acragas. But the city was strong by nature and art, and the Greeks of eastern Sicily and southern Italy promised to send a relieving army.

With a Spartan, Dexippus, as commander and with a stiffening of Campanian mercenaries, the Acragantines resolved to resist. The Carthaginians fortified their main camp on the right bank of the river Hypsas and assailed the western wall of the city. To help their assaults they began to construct a huge causeway. For this purpose stones were taken in the necropolis and notably from the tomb of Theron, until a thunderbolt falling on the tomb, and a pestilence, to which Hannibal himself fell a victim, aroused the superstitions of the soldiers.

But Himilco was as adroit as his kinsman. The tombs were left untouched, a boy was sacrificed to Moloch, and the causeway was completed. With the approach of the relieving army of the Greeks came the crisis of the siege. The Syracusan commander Daphnaeus, at the head of 30, foot and horse crossed the river Himeras and defeated the forces posted to block his way. But the treachery or the incompetence of the generals within the city allowed these troops to escape, and the strong camp to the west of the city saved the Carthaginian army.

The superior Syracusan cavalry cut off supplies until the Carthaginians were in great straits. But Himilco contrived to capture a convoy bringing food by sea from Syracuse to Acragas and, in a moment, the situation was reversed. The Campanian mercenaries in the city proved disloyal as food became scarce. Dexippus was suspected of being responsible for the further misfortune of the desertion of the Italiote and Sicilian allies, and the men of Acragas were left alone to defend their city as best they could.

They came to the amazing resolve to abandon it and marched out at night unmolested. Himilco entered the city and sacked it the great temple of Zeus was doomed by the victor to remain unfinished. By this time winter had set in, and the general made Acragas his winter quarters hoping to refound it as a Carthaginian city. Sicily was now in great peril it looked as if the whole island might be enslaved by the Carthaginian invader.

For the fall of Acragas the Syracusan generals were widely blamed; whether incompetent or corrupt they were not- the men to deal with a great crisis. His name that he had to be fined, but he violent so speech in the Assembly his carried and would not be silenced point, through the generosity of his friend Philistus, the historian, who promised to pay each fine as it was imposed.

This was his he then worked against his colleagues spreading suspicions of their loyalty. He was elected sole general with unlimited powers This was the second step towards strategos autocrator p. LeontinL The day after his arrival there, a rumour was spread abroad that he had been compelled to seek sanctuary in the and the citizens Acropolis on account of an attempt on his life, of Syracuse gave him a bodyguard of soldiers.

Dionysius thus attained the supreme power. He was to become the most remarkable statesman in the Greek world of his day, and having secured the firm mastery of Syracuse lie was to rule nearly the whole of Sicily and ultimately he was to create an Empire northwards into Italy, wielding a power not only such as no Sicilian potentate had ever wielded before, but so large and formidable that Greeks compared his position in Western Europe with that of the Persian King in the East.

The real reason of the rise of Dionysius to power was the as Peisistratus crying need of a competent general to oppose Carthage, but at this time, although he was destined to live to be the defender of Hellenic Sicily, he did not fulfil the hopes of the Syracusans. In command of a large army and fleet he proceeded to Gela, which Himilco was besieging. One of the first incidents of the siege was the plunder of the precinct of Apollo outside the walls.

It was decided that the people should abandon their city immediately, and Dionysius on his inarch to Syracuse also persuaded the people of Camarina to leave their homes, and a piteous train of fugitives from both towns took the road to Syracuse.

The south coast of Sicily was lost and the Carthaginian army might be expected on the heels of the fugitives. This extraordinary end to the campaign aroused suspicion that Dionysius was in league with the Carthaginians. The Italiote allies marched home and the Syracusan horsemen determined to overthrow the tyrant. They attacked his house and ill-treated his wife. Dionysius hurried to the city, which he entered by burning the gate of Achradina, and forced the rebels to fly to Aetna.

There can be little question that in abandoning the defence of Gela and Camarina, Dionysius was deliberately playing into the hand of Himilco, and the treaty which he made with this general clearly shows his desire to conciliate Carthage. On the other hand the Carthaginian army had been weakened by sickness and Himilco may well have shrunk from undertaking the most arduous siege of all, that of Syracuse itself. The stipulations of the peace between Syracuse and Carthage now arranged by Dionysius and Himilco were as follows: Carthage was to keep Acragas, Selinus and Thermae and the Elymian and Sican towns were to remain her subjects.

Gela and Camarina were to be tributary and unwalled cities. The Sicels were to be free, and Messana and Leontmi were recognized as Independent commonwealths, The Carthaginians were to guarantee the rule of Dionysius over Syracuse and the integrity of Syracusan territory.

It will be observed that in this treaty Carthage and Syracuse disposed of the whole island. The clause respecting Leontini was an exception to the general principles of the treaty and was evidently intended to cause future embarrassment to Syracuse. Dionysius cannot well have approved of this, but we must remember that the treaty was almost dictated by the victor. No mention was made of Catana or Naxos, ancient enemies of Syracuse, evidently an offset to the independence of Leontini.

The clause about the Sicels is noteworthy, and we shall subsequently see its significance. The fleet of Syracuse, he was primarily and the forests of Italy and Aetna Syracuse was rapidly increased, were felled to build new warships, some of them with four and The Carthaginians had used against the five banks of oars. Dionysius replied devices Greeks all the inventions of his engineers, above all, effective more the yet by batter the walls of towns from a range could which great catapults of some two or three hundred yards.

The outworn formulas of Greek warfare were cast aside, and with the campaigns of Dionysius, as with those of Napoleon, we enter on a new phase in the art of war. The boldness of Brasidas, the strategical talents of Cimon had performed wonders in the older style of warfare.

Dionysius, even though he may have lacked their natural gifts, surpasses them as the first great scientific soldier, the forerunner of Epaminondas and the great Macedonians. Dionysius' skill in fortification was first applied to his own security, and the Island Ortygia which was the Acropolis of Syracuse, became an impregnable fortress.

It was completely cut off from the city by a wall, and this conversion of the Island into a separate fortified quarter was somewhat as if William III of England had seated himself in the Tower of London and, ejecting all the inhabitants from their abodes, had turned the City of London into barracks.

It was impossible to enter the Island from Achradina except through five successive gates, and the ends of the Island were protected by two castles. In the lesser harbour new docks were built and it became the chief naval arsenal. No citizens were allowed to dwell on the Island who were not definitely supporters and trusted friends of the tyrant, who was surrounded here by his foreign mercenaries. We may here pause a moment to consider the qualities of character that helped to establish the long reign of this singular man.

The antecedents of Dionysius are unknown to us; he was what we may call a novu s homo, that is, he was a political upstart all we know of him is that his father's name was Hermocrates, and lie was the son-in-law of Hermocrates the statesman thus he probably began life as a political opportunist, having no attachments to any particular party, no sentiments or traditions to move him in any special direction. He was largely indifferent to public opinion, although he could make use of it when it suited him for his own purposes, and he took little account of Greek customs and conventions.

He was a bigamist; contrary to the universal usage of the Greeks he married two wives, Doris of Locri and Aristomache of Syracuse, and lived happily with them both at the same time. His methods were utterly unscrupulous, but he was not a vulgar tyrant. He allowed nothing to stand in the way of his gaining his political ends, and consequently he was often cruel and oppressive, but he did not indulge in cruelty for its own sake.

Not all peasant problems can be reduced to simple proportions, but many can if the requisite degree of attention is given them. One FEO [Fundamental Education Organizator] team was spread out over the length and breadth of a province with, at a minimum, villages, and possibly as many as 3, There was little chance, therefore, of an FEO team pinpointing activities along the lines of the Bangpakong project or, indeed, promoting any other project where a high degree of specific research was required.

Neither would team mobility have solved the problem, as teams had to rely on local transport which greatly inhibited movement. Even the provision of personal transport would not have given the contact necessary. There are many areas in Thailand where travel between two villages may take a day when trails are dry, but during the monsoon, movement over vast areas becomes impossible for all practical purposes. After some five or six years had elapsed, TUFEC itself began to see the impracticality of the concept of "village workers" on the ratio of one team to a province.

An even more basic contrast was that the Bangpakong project, despite its early aspirations, actually limited itself to impersonal activity such as water control and distribution, and ransoming of buffaloes. Improvements were in harmony with peasant life.

Tufec, however, aspired not only to change economic and educational patterns but also to impinge on social and personal life, hoping to give practical form to such phrases as "improved group dynamics and human relations," "activation of village social programs," or even the promotion of "a more enjoyable village social life.

The Thai peasant may have had economic problems but his social and personal life was not commensurately deprived. TUFEC, on the other hand, increasingly seemed to see itself as an agent of total change. Bangpakong did illustrate that, under certain circumstances, a United Nations agency in Thailand could activate a village in the direction of straightforward practical tasks.

While it is probable that change and development relative to social, cultural, and spiritual objectives at Bangpakong would not have been feasible, there were impressive short-term results in the more practical field of agriculture.

Mit der Organisationsform des buddhistischen Ordens habe der Buddha auch ganz allgemein das System der Kooperative zum Organisationsprinzip erhoben. Auf der Grundlage eines solchen Systems wechselseitiger Beziehungen zu verschiedenen Personenkreisen beruht seiner Ansicht nach die Vereinigung zur Gesellschaft, deren wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Prinzipien durch die Einrichtung von Kooperativen verwirklicht werden sollten.

Patricia Norland [u. Lo , each with numerous industrial and commercial enterprises which he alone controls, all serve together on the boards of the. Li likewise has an extensive economic empire under his personal control, and all of them serve together on the boards of.

Finally in no less than four different corporations, one or more of these three Teochiu leaders serves on the board with one or more of these three Hakka leaders. Chinese business power in Bangkok is concentrated in the hands of individual leaders and groups of Chinese leaders "business cliques" not only by means of business and trade associations, combines, syndicates, and interlocking directorates, but also at the top level through family ties, intermarriage in particular.

His or her inability to speak Thai clearly and articulately phood thai mai chad has a typical Teochiu characteristic—the inherent absence of certain consonants d and r and vowels -euan, -n in Teochiu speech and hence their replacement by other consonants l for d and r and vowels -ian for -euan, -ng for -n in Thai speech.

In Bangkok leben ca. Hamburg ; Bd. Fair use Aber sie lockern sich. Sobald sie etwas Rotes sehen, werden sie bleich vor Schreck. Wichtige Formen des Nationalismus sind Ehrfurchtsbezeugungen vor der Staatsfahne sowie der Nationalhymne. Nationalhymne [Quelle der. Die Thais leben in Frieden, aber sie sind keine Feiglinge im Krieg. Noch werden sie Tyrannei erleiden. Text der Nationalhymne. Im Zivilgericht behandelt er einen Autounfall.

The SEA Supplies Corporation had actually been in charge of sending American-made supplies to Mong Hsat by air since early , when the secret war first began. Hayes, Robert C. Snoddy and Harold W. It was formally headed by Sherman B. But its most colourful operative was Paul Helliwell [ - ], a well-known intelligence operative who had moved to Bangkok in to work with North. Edgar Hoover. Schaden: Mio. Baht, davon sind nur 16 Mio. Die meisten der Opfer sind Chinesen.

All of the speech-group and hsien associations with a substantial number of members among the victims organized relief measures within the next two days. Many called joint meetings of the executive and supervisory committees to draw up detailed plans, which in most cases included the registration of victims of the particular speech group or native hsien and the subsequent distribution of cash or food.

The Hakka Association decided to give every victimized member baht and to make baht available as a loan; Leaders Liu and T. Ku, chairman and vice-chairman of the Association, made the first contributions to this end, 10, and 4, baht, respectively. Relief money was distributed in all cases by the twenty-second of March. Responsibility for large-scale over-all relief, however, was taken on by the Pao-te Benevolent Society and the five Chinese daily papers. The morning after the fire, Leader Chang, chairman of the Pao-te Society, called a meeting of press representatives, and the six organizations agreed to form a Provisional Relief Committee to raise funds for and direct a fully effective relief program.

The Committee set March 15 to 20 as the period for registration of the victims and requested the seven speech-group associations to assist in registration. Leader Chang and reporters from the five newspapers went to the scene of the disaster on the afternoon of the tenth to make a rough survey of the damage and select two appropriate spots for the registration of victims.

It circularized all the major business associations as well as the speech-group associations requesting co-operation. The major appeals, however, were made directly to the public. On March 12, Leader Chang called on the appropriate undersecretary in the Ministry of Interior to request permission to solicit contributions. This was forthcoming only on the twenty-second, but prior to that date and with no direct appeals for contributions from the Committee, over 2.

The plan for direct solicitation, therefore, never had to be activated. The drive was spark-plugged by important leaders in their capacities as officers of community organizations. Leader Chou contributed 10, baht and in a press conference appealed to all Chinese to aid in the relief work. Officers of the Hakka and Cantonese Associations also began publishing notices appealing for aid.

These steps were duplicated by many other leaders, but the great proportion of the contributions, nonetheless, came in small amounts from thousands of individual voluntary contributors. Many of the associations and schools, dramatic troupes and cinemas organized charity performances of all kinds to benefit the drive. Most contributions went direct to one of the six members of the Relief Committee the Pao-te Benevolent Society and the five newspapers , but relief contributions were accepted and made by over twenty other Chinese organizations of all types.

The Chinese press attempted the monumental task of acknowledging every single contribution received by each newspaper in addition to carrying news stories about other major contributions to relief funds. In some issues the papers devoted up to four pages solely to listing contributors and the sums given. Contributors had their choice of sending money through any newspaper, so that a certain amount of press rivalry was inevitable.

These three had turned over to the Committee by May 15 approximately , , , , and , baht, respectively. These sums gave proportionate weight to the respective newspapers in the Provisional Relief Committee.

Through the unstinting labor of hundreds of public-spirited Chinese, stopgap food, funds, and medical care were provided free to the victims during the first two weeks after the fire, and the registration of fire victims was completed on schedule. Some 3, individuals in families were certified as being uninsured and in need of financial relief.

March 25 was set by the Committee as the date for relief distribution. On the twentieth, however, a proposal was submitted to the Committee by representatives of some families among the victims, and it was later announced by the Pao-te Society that other families had associated themselves with the proposal.

Just who took the initiative in drafting it has never been made clear, but the Kuomintang faction was clearly not among its supporters. The proposal had three points: It requested that baht be distributed to each registered fire victim, that one million baht be set aside for leasing the razed area from its owners and for constructing new housing thereon for the victims, and that any remaining funds be kept for future fire relief.

This proposal represented something of a departure from the original shortterm aims of the Committee, and accordingly the Committee called a meeting on March 21 of all interested Chinese associations to discuss the disposal of the 2.

The Pao-te Society, the Hakka Association, and several newspapers and business associations favored the three-point program.

The Cantonese Association officers, however, advocated the immediate distribution of all funds to the fire victims, while the Teochiu Association representatives pointed out certain grave difficulties in regard to leasing the land for the construction of new housing. The Hokkien leaders favored the proposal, but maintained that the Committee should be enlarged and reorganized as a permanent relief organization; this idea was formally submitted in letter form by the elected committees of the Association.

A majority of those present appeared to favor the proposal in general, however, and on the following day the Committee decided to adopt in principle the three points, though this conclusion was reached only after three hours of discussion. The first distribution of relief went off very well indeed. Thai officials, including the Governor of Phranakhon, and representatives of over fifteen Chinese associations were on hand to supervise the distribution.

Over a period of several days, each of 3, victims received baht in cash, five kilograms of rice, three articles of used clothing, and three items of appropriate medicine.

In all, , baht were distributed. Thai about 30 per cent of the victims and Chinese alike were given relief. For several days, the community rang with praises to the Committee for its efforts and success. On March 29, the Relief Committee met to discuss the implementation of the two remaining points in the earlier proposal. It was unanimously agreed that the Pao-te Society should be entrusted with the safe-keeping of the remaining funds, and that future appropriations should be made only with the consent of all six constituent members of the Committee.

On the question of leasing the razed land and constructing houses, however, a disagreement was immediately apparent. The majority decided that the Committee should request Leaders Chang, Yang, and Huang to undertake negotiations to lease the land. Negotiations for its lease, therefore, would have to be carried on with government authorities as well as University officials, the more so since the Ministry of Interior announced that for purposes of promoting the prosperity of the metropolis the Thai government planned to requisition the land in the fire area.

In the meantime, the University forbad the construction of temporary shacks on its property, and police were kept busy tearing down the shacks built by the homeless victims. On March 26, some one hundred shacks were dismantled. On the thirtieth, nine of the Chinese who persisted in building on the land were arrested; some were released following mass protest, while two were bailed out by Leader Chang. The victims complained of no mercy from the University or the authorities and appealed to the Provisional Relief Committee for immediate help in solving their housing problem.

The Committee chose Leaders Yang IR 36 and Huang IR 52 , both unaffiliated with the six constituent organizations, to act as their representatives in negotiations about this problem because of theirclose business and personal connections with the November coup leaders. Phin agreed to help and suggested they submit a petition to the University.

According to this proposal, the University would lease the dwellings directly to the fire victims who would then reimburse the Pao-te Society for construction costs not covered by the relief funds.

Even this plan, already a serious deviation from the original aim of the Relief Committee, was turned down, and the Committee had to drop the whole scheme. On June 27, accordingly, the Committee issued a notice asking those who had elected to wait for land to collect baht each for use in solving their own housing problems individually—the money was distributed the first week in July.

By this time Relief Committee finances were roughly as follows: 3. This left approximately 1. The Thai Police know a good thing when they see it, and in late June they approached the Pao-te Society for a donation of , baht for the purchase of fire engines. Leader Chang announced the tidings to the joint meeting of the Committee and Chinese associations held on June 24 and asked for an expression of opinion.

The request, however, was politely ignored until, on July 16, Police Deputy Director-General Phra Phinit sent a letter to the Relief Committee asking for a contribution of , baht for the purchase of three fire engines. This request came two days before the Committee published a full account of the monies on hand, which stated that over one million baht were on deposit in the Bangkok Bank of Commerce, of which bank, incidentally, Phra Phinit is chairman of the board.

On August 3, Julalongkon University at long last replied formally to the Provisional Relief Committee clearly stating its intention to build housing on the razed area by itself and to rent it to the former tenants. This spelled the final doom of the housing project and removed specific claims on the remaining relief funds. The Chinese leaders, however, also elaborated the difficulties involved in the appropriation to the police of funds which had been contributed for relief and set aside specifically for future relief purposes.

General Phao is reported to have replied that the Committee could surely see its way clear to donating one fire engine at least. The Committee still resisted compliance with the police request. Then, on September 8, the editors and managers of the Chinese newspapers were notified to appear at police headquarters for questioning about Saphan Lueang fire relief.

At an informal meeting of Chinese associations called by the Committee that same day, no opposition was voiced when Leader Chang again asked for opinions about the request for the fire-engine donation. A few days after the September 9 meeting, the Committee handed the police a , baht check for the purchase of a fire engine, which won the high public praise of police officials.

The Provisional Relief Committee had by this time been acting as a permanent relief committee for several months. It handled relief for all the major fires in Thailand which occurred between March and September. In the latter cases, the Committee took precautions against further calumnies by calling general meetings of the Chinese associations to approve proposed relief measures.

This arrangement was admittedly cumbersome. Remaining relief funds, about , baht, were handed over to the Pao-te Society for future relief. Thus ended one of the most brilliantly begun and miserably concluded projects ever carried out by the Chinese community in Bangkok. Der Bau hat 13 Mio. Baht gekostet. Richter and M. Japan und Thailand nehmen wieder diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Damit wird Chlorpromazin zum ersten Neuroleptikum und zum Grundstein der modernen Psychopharmaka-Therapie.

Thailand und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland nehmen durch einen einfachen Notenwechsel diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Dezember ein. Er ist bis zu seinem Tod im Amt. To prevent the countries of Southeast Asia from passing into the communist orbit, and to assist them to develop the will and ability to resist communism from within and without and to contribute to the strengthening of the free world. General Considerations. Communist domination, by whatever means, of all Southeast Asia would seriously endanger in the short term, and critically endanger in the longer term, United States security interests.

It is therefore imperative that an overt attack on Southeast Asia by the Chinese Communists be vigorously opposed. In order to pursue the military courses of action envisaged in this paper to a favorable conclusion within a reasonable period, it will be necessary to divert military strength from other areas thus reducing our military capability in those areas, with the recognized increased risks involved therein, or to increase our military forces in being, or both.

The danger of an overt military attack against Southeast Asia is inherent in the existence of a hostile and aggressive Communist China, but such an attack is less probable than continued communist efforts to achieve domination through subversion. The primary threat to Southeast Asia accordingly arises from the possibility that the situation in Indochina may deteriorate as a result of the weakening of the resolve of, or as a result of the inability of the governments of France and of the Associated States to continue to oppose the Viet Minh rebellion, the military strength of which is being steadily increased by virtue of aid furnished by the Chinese Communist regime and its allies.

The successful defense of Tonkin is critical to the retention in non-Communist hands of mainland Southeast Asia. However, should Burma come under communist domination, a communist military advance through Thailand might make Indochina, including Tonkin, militarily indefensible.

The execution of the following U. Actions designed to achieve our objectives in Southeast Asia require sensitive selection and application, on the one hand to assure the optimum efficiency through coordination of measures for the general area, and on the other, to accommodate to the greatest practicable extent to the individual sensibilities of the several governments, social classes and minorities of the area.

Southeast Asia. With respect to Southeast Asia, the United States should:. With respect to Thailand, the United States should:. Im Aufsichtsrat sitzen u. These concessions were face-saving for the leaders, but they hardly represented success. On July 5 the joint petition to the Minister of Interior was rejected with the comment that the matter of the alien registration fee increase could now be considered closed.

The present Administration, in seven years, has squandered the unprecedented power and prestige which were ours at the close of World War II. In that time, more than million non-Russian people of fifteen different countries have been absorbed into the power sphere of Communist Russia, which proceeds confidently with its plan for world conquest.

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